By: Christina A. Henriquez
The policies of policing and surveilling the marginalized people discussed in Gilliom’s Overseers of the Poor and Beckett and Herbert’s Banished are depicted as policy failures. These policies fail in part because they aim at deterring the undeterrable. Deterrence depends on the idea that a rational actor calculates his costs and benefits of a certain action in order to decide whether he should take that action. Deterrence works by raising the expected costs of an action above the expected benefits. This can occur by either raising the costs of certain actions or increasing the likelihood of being caught and punished for doing those actions. But in order for deterrence to work there must be an alternative action, so when the cost of the undesirable action exceeds the cost of the alternative, the alternative will be taken. However, most of those who are banished or resort to welfare aid do not perceive they have a viable alternative.
These deterrent policies have a minimal chance of working; they merely increase the costs of the only choice the marginalized have. Beckett and Herbert found the policy of banishment to be effective only in cases where people could avoid entering the restricted areas, when there was an alternative. However, both welfare recipients and the banished described their actions as necessary because they lacked an alternative. Welfare moms needed more money to survive on welfare because survival on welfare was impossible. The banished needed the crucial services provided by the restricted areas. They lacked an alternative; they perceived their only choice was violating the policies surveilling and policing them.
These deterrent policies were also ineffective because they aimed at some irrational actors, on whom deterrence would not work. Part of the population targeted widely by these banishment policies referred to by Beckett and Herbert are the mentally ill; which are, by definition, incapable of fully rational calculations. The U. S. Supreme Court applied this analysis in recent cases regarding the death penalty for actors who are not considered to be fully rational.
The U.S. Supreme Court recently struck down the death penalty in instances where it would not deter crime meriting capital punishment. In Roper v. Simmons (2005), the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the death penalty for juveniles as unconstitutional in part because deterrence could not be expected to work on juvenile offenders in the same way as it does on adults. Imposing the death penalty would be a cruel and unusual punishment because it would lack justification; it would be ineffective as a policy. Justice Kennedy, delivering the opinion of the Court, cites an amicus brief which provides evidence that juveniles often act irrationally because of their lessened mental capabilities. The Court views this decision as an extension of its 2002 ruling in Atkins v. Virginia where it revealed that executing the mentally ill is unconstitutional. The New York Times has an article describing both of these decisions.
A new approach is needed to control unwanted behavior if the deterrent approach does not work. Beckett and Herbert suggest addressing the underlying issues causing the problems.
Deterring the undeterrable is not an alternative to correction. Except in the event that one is not in a position mentally to face the consequences of their actions may be due to health reasons, everyone who is found guilty should face the law so that justice can prevail. When the law is emphasized on the chances of the crime recurring, reduces significantly since the culprits have a clear knowledge that there is no pardoning for whatever reason.
ReplyDelete-Sehun Lee
Your blog post elaborates on the interesting point about how surveillance can have the function and goal of deterrence. With regard to welfare, I actually never thought about deterrence until I read the Gilliom book. Likewise, the discussion of the Supreme Court decisions show that this idea of deterrence has become entrenched in our way of thinking about punishments. However, vulnerable populations, such as those mentioned, are not the only ones who are lacking in utilitarian ability. There are many factors to deterrence, that extend beyond the basic ideas of being able to balance severity, certainty, and celerity. The crime itself and the environment provided can make crimes instrumental or expressive, more or less appealing, and so on. In our rationales, we point to the potential of deterrence as determining the viability of taking particular actions, but I definitely agree with Beckett and Herbert when they say that addressing the underlying issues causing the problems is the way to go. Better environments may not only improve the lives of those who might have committed crimes, but – if deterrence is really our goal) – it may even improve the effectiveness of deterrence by making crimes less "worth it."
ReplyDeleteAnita Wu
Your blog post brings up that many homeless people who were "banished" are mentally ill, but what do you think of the young people who are homeless by choice creating at least a slight burden on society? These people are completely rational, they just have different values than the norm. Do you believe that they should be targeted by deterrent policies while the mentally ill should be exempt?
ReplyDeleteThank you for reading and commenting on my blog. The point I was trying to highlight is the manner in which these deterrent policies affect the marginalized who lack many resources.
ReplyDeleteChristina A. Henriquez
Thanks Christina. I agree with your opinion that deterrence is ineffective against marginalized people. The marginalized people, who often lack mental capacity and financial resources, fail to accurately weigh the cost-benifit analysis that generates the selected action. "Banished" shows the inability for homeless to pay fines for minor infractions or even stay away injunctions so when they weigh the cost to any analysis they will always side with the benefit. It is not until we create a solution to the detrimental factors causing such a lopsided decision making rather than worrying about deterring other rational actors. Just like in Boston, a small percentage of people commit the most amount of crime so specific deterrence is important but putting people in a position where they can succeed is far more important.
ReplyDeleteI was delighted with the Roper decision, but the courts have gone back and forth over the rational capacity of youth. Even as Roper was decided, the courts granted high school students the same protections adults enjoy when coming before a disciplinary board -- Goss. Still, I like the reasoning of this blog and the idea that deterrence can only work when there is a plausible alternative to the actions one wants to eliminate/reduce the propensity to practice. Professor Musheno
ReplyDeleteI agree Christina that marginalized members of society do not understand that they can use legal means to combat unfair policies. The way that they balance good and bad, their utility calculus, is much different from those who have more legal resources, finances, and education. Like we read in Gilliom's Overseers of the Poor, they evade/break the law or gossip to fight the system instead of using their legal rights.
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